History before Independence
In precolonial times
the geographical area currently known as Côte d'Ivoire comprised many
small states. The Portuguese established trading settlements along the
coast in the 16th cent., and other Europeans later joined the burgeoning
trade in slaves and ivory. In 1842 a French military mission imposed a
protectorate over the coastal zone. After 1870, France undertook a
systematic conquest; although a protectorate over the entire country was
proclaimed in 1893, strong resistance by the indigenous people delayed
French occupation of the interior.
Côte d'Ivoire was incorporated into the Federation of French West Africa,
and several thousand of its troops fought with the French during World
War I, but effective French control over the area was not established
until after the war. Although Vichy forces held Côte d'Ivoire during
World War II, many left to join the Free French forces in the Gold Coast
(now Ghana). As the desire for independence mounted, Félix Houphouët-Boigny,
a planter and founder of the federation-wide Rassemblement Démocratique
Africain (RDA), formed (1946) the nationalist Parti Démocratique de la
Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI). In the French constitutional referendum of 1958,
Côte d'Ivoire chose autonomy within the French Community.
The New Nation
In
1960, Côte d'Ivoire withdrew from the French Community and declared
itself independent. The new republic joined the Organization of African
Unity in 1963. Côte d'Ivoire was one of the few African states to
recognize Biafra during the Nigerian civil war (1967–70); this action,
as well as Houphouët-Boigny's advocacy of dialogue with white-ruled
South Africa, estranged the country somewhat from many other African
states. In 1980, high unemployment and a falling standard of living led
to an attempted coup. Student and labor unrest continued throughout the
1980s as the government cut wages and increased the privatization of
industry. The capital was officially transferred to Yamoussoukro in
1983.
Côte d'Ivoire had been a de facto one-party
state since its birth as a republic, but opposition parties were
legalized in 1990 after widespread popular protests. Houphouët-Boigny,
who had headed the government as well as the PDCI since independence,
won a seventh term in 1990, in the country's first truly multiparty
elections. After his death in 1993, assembly speaker Henri Konan Bédié
succeeded to the presidency. Bédié retained the post after a 1995
election that was marred by violence and boycotted by the major
opposition groups; former prime minister Alassane Ouattara was barred
from running by changes in the election laws. Unlike his predecessor,
Bédié began to exploit the nation's ethnic differences, seeking his
support from the predominantly Christian peoples of S Côte d'Ivoire.
The
economy improved in the late 1990s, as Bédié pursued free-market
reforms that included wide-scale privatization and encouragement of
foreign investment. In 1999, Bédié's government disqualified Ouattara, a
northern Muslim, from mounting a candidacy in the 2000 presidential
election and subsequently issued a warrant for his arrest, claiming he
had forged documents that proved he was an Ivorian citizen. These
actions provoked opposition demonstrations, and opposition leaders were
arrested.
In Dec., 1999, after unpaid soldiers began
looting in Abidjan, Bédié was ousted in a military coup led by General
Robert Gueï; it was the first coup in the nation's history. Gueï
initially appointed an interim governtment, but he dismissed it in May
and subsequently appeared to be seeking to retain his hold on power. A
new constitution approved in July, 2000, limited the presidency to
citizens whose parents were both Ivorian citizens; the measure was
regarded as an attempt to prevent the candidacy of Ouattara, who had
returned to the country after Bédié's ouster.
In the
October elections Laurent Gbagbo of the socialist Ivorian Popular Front
(FPI) won the presidency amid a low turnout—Ouattara was banned from
running and his supporters boycotted the vote—but the army halted the
vote count and Gueï claimed victory. Street protests and the desertion
of police and military units forced Gueï from power, and Gbagbo took
office. Strife between southern Christians and northern Muslims erupted,
however, after Ouattara challenged the legitimacy of Gbagbo's win.
In
legislative elections held in December and January, Ouattara was again
barred from running, and his Rally of the Republicans (RDR) party
boycotted the polls; Ouattara subsequently went into exile until Dec.,
2001. The new parliament was dominated by the southern-based FPI and the
PDCI. Ethnic division in the country was at its worst since
independence, and there was growing international criticism of President
Gbagbo, who survived an abortive coup in January, 2001. A national
reconciliation forum in late 2001 attempted to address issues dividing
the nation; among its recommendations were the recognition of Ouattara's
Ivoirian citizenship.
A mutiny by several hundred
soldiers who were about to demobilized because they were believed
disloyal erupted in Sept., 2002; they seized control of Bouaké, Korhogo,
and other northern towns, but were routed in Abidjan. The government
first accused Gueï, who was killed, of attempting a coup, and then
accused Ouattara, who escaped an attempt on his life. French troops
intervened to protect and evacuate foreign civilians, but also acted to
slow the rebel advance. In early October West African mediators
negotiated a cease-fire, but the government rejected the agreement and
fighting continued.
By the end of 2002 three rebel
groups had emerged. The main rebel force largely controlled the northern
half of the country, while the two other groups controlled smaller
western areas. Most of the lucrative cacao-growing areas, however,
remained in government hands. A truce was signed in Jan., 2003, and
after sometimes difficult negotiations a power-sharing government that
included rebel representatives was formed in April, with Seydou Diarra, a
politician from the north, as prime minister. A comprehensive
cease-fire was not established, however, until May, and tensions over
the makeup and powers of the new government and attacks on rebel
officials threatened the peace, despite the declaration (in July) of the
war's end. In September the rebels withdrew from the government, but
they resumed participating in Jan., 2004. In March the PDCI withdrew,
charging Gbagbo with destabilizing the peace process, and after unarmed
antigovernment demonstrators were fired on in Abidjan later the same
month the rebels, the RDR, and other opposition parties also withdrew.
In
Apr., 2004, a UN peacekeeping force was established to help implement
the peace accord, and in August rebels and opposition parties returned
to the government after negotiations. The peace process remained
uncertain, however, especially after the government failed to enact the
required political reforms and the rebels then refused (Oct., 2004) to
begin disarming. The civil war reignited (Nov., 2004) when the Gbagbo
government broke the cease-fire by launching air attacks on the
rebel-held north. When nine French peacekeepers were killed, France
retaliated by destroying most of the small Ivorian air force,
anti-French riots broke out in Abidjan, and Western civilians were
evacuated. Later that month the UN responded by imposing sanctions on
Côte d'Ivoire.
In Dec., 2004, after negotiations
spearheaded by South Africa's President Mbeki, the constitution was
amended to permit citizens with one Ivoirian parent to run for
president, but President Gbagbo insisted that the amendment be approved
by a referendum, a move the northern rebels rejected. Relations between
the government and the rebels further deteriorated during early 2005,
but in April Mbeki negotiated a new cease-fire agreement that included a
renewed commitment to disarming and elections later in 2005, and the
rebels agreed to rejoin the government.
The process
of disarmament, however, several times failed to begin as scheduled, as
the rebels continued to object to changes enacted by the government, and
the elections scheduled for Oct., 2005, were postponed. The African
Union, with the agreement of the UN Security Council, proposed that
Gbagbo remain in office for an additional year while an election was
arranged, but that his powers be limited and a prime minister with
executive powers be appointed. In Dec., 2005, Charles Konan Banny was
named prime minister, and the rebels subsquently agreed to support his
government.
A recommendation in Jan., 2006, by
UN-backed mediators that the national assembly, the terms of whose
members had expired, be disbanded provoked several days of violent
anti-UN riots by Gbagbo supporters. In Mar., 2006, after multiparty
talks in February that also included Gbagbo, Bédie, and Ouattara, rebel
leader Guillaume Soro finally rejoined the government. A June accord on
disarmament, however, failed to produce results, and a national
identification program designed to clarify who among the nation's 3.5
million unregistered inhabitants were Ivoirian citizens and qualified to
vote was halted by Gbagbo.
In Aug., 2006, Gbagbo
announced he would not step down as president if new elections were not,
as seemed inevitable, held in October. The African Union proposed
extending his term for one more year only, while also transferring more
powers to the prime minister; the UN Security Council adopted this
position in a November resolution despite protests against an extension
for Gbagbo from the opposition and rebels and objections from the Gbagbo
camp over any limitations on his presidency. Meanwhile, in September,
the nation was shocked by an industrial waste scandal that caused 40,000
Ivoirians to seek treatment; the waste, from foreign sources, should
have been incinerated but had been dumped at several sites around the
capital.
A new peace agreement was signed in Mar.,
2007. Negotiated by Burkina Faso President Blaise Campaoré and supported
by the African Union, it set a timetable for disarmament and elections,
called for removal of the buffer zone between the north and south and
the withdrawal of UN and French peacekeepers, and made rebel leader
Guillaume Soro prime minister of a revamped power-sharing government.
Despite the official dismantling of the buffer zone, however, government
and rebel forces maintained their checkpoints, and integration of the
armed forces and voter identification programs did not proceed on
schedule. In June a rocket was fired at a plane carrying the prime
minister; he was not injured. Disarmament was officially inaugurated in
Dec., 2007, and subsequent progress was slow; the first significant
disarming of rebel forces occurred in May, 2008.
Source: www.factmonster.com
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